题名

Consultation without Representation: How the Conservative Governments in Japan and Korea Capitalized on Labor-Inclusionary Institutions against Labor

并列篇名

沒有代表的商議：日本與韓國保守派政府如何利用接納勞工的制度對付勞工

DOI

10.6683/TPSR.201906_23(1).0005

作者

尹智煥(Ji-Whan Yun)

关键词

Consultation without Representation ； Corporatism ； The Conservative Government ； Japan ； Korea ； 沒有代表的商議 ； 統合主義 ； 保守派政府 ； 日本 ； 韓國

期刊名称

台灣政治學刊

卷期/出版年月

23卷1期（2019 / 06 / 01）

页次

215 - 259

内容语文

英文
中文摘要

Scholars have conventionally debated whether neoliberal globalization has resulted in the breakdown of corporatism or its resilience. Beyond this dichotomy, this paper uncovers ＂consultation without representation＂ as a new path paved by the conservative governments in Japan and South Korea (hereafter, Korea): Japan's Abe Shinzo cabinet and Korea's Park Geun-hye administration attempted to continue utilizing the format of tripartite consultation in the process of neoliberal reforms without allowing organized labor to represent its interests. This paper argues that the consultation-without- representation path originated from the deliberate strategy that conservative governments used to capitalize on labor-inclusionary tripartite institutions against labor. The governments have kept the tripartite institutions, including Japan's shingikai and Korea's Tripartite Commission, intact to avoid a legislative gridlock that an apparent offensive against corporatism may cause and, furthermore, not to compromise their efforts in moving toward a new moral hegemony over industrial society. However, they have made use of these institutions as a way to weaken the corporatist power of organized labor. Specific patterns of consultation without representation differ between Japan and Korea because the conservative governments developed specialized strategies for utilizing the tripartite institutions on the basis of unique political resources for labor movements in each country. In Japan, the Abe cabinet made use of Rengo's orientation toward policy partnership to confine labor unrest to an institutional boundary. Shingikai functioned as a container that prevented the grievances of Rengo from turning into a society-wide dissidence. Meanwhile, Korea's Park government utilized the radical ideology of labor movements to disqualify them as negotiation partners. The Tripartite Commission was used as a blockade to hinder militant labor movements from influencing the policy-making process. This paper examines the processes of the Worker Dispatch Law revisions in Japan and in Korea to corroborate the argument. This analysis indicates that the conservative rulers have found a new utility of corporatism for neoliberal reforms.
英文摘要

學界對於新自由主義全球化是否會造成統合主義崩潰有不少爭論。對此，本論文提出「沒有代表的商議」之概念，並藉以來理解日本與韓國的保守派政府利用勞、資、政三方商議機制，但在排除勞運組織代表其利益的前提下，進行新自由主義改革。本論文主張「沒有代表的商議」的決策路徑，源於保守派政府蓄意利用接納勞工的制度來對付勞工的策略。日本安倍晉三政府保留了「審議會」（shingikai）、韓國朴槿惠政府保留了「三方委員會」（Tripartite Commission），其目的在於避免因為破壞統合主義而可能出現的立法僵局，同時也為了不要讓這兩個政府建構新道德霸權的努力白費。然而，這兩個政府都試圖削弱勞運在統合主義架構中的力量。日、韓的「沒有代表的商議」路徑其實並不相同，而之所以會有差異，主要是因為兩國政府對於其本國勞運所擁有的特殊政治資源，發展出特定的策略來利用三方商議機制。在日本，安倍政府利用「日本勞動組合總連合會」（RENGO）偏好建立政策夥伴的傾向，將勞工的不滿成功侷限在審議會運作的疆界內。在韓國，朴槿惠政府強調意識型態過於基進的勞運不具與政府談判的資格，同時利用三方委員會阻止好鬥的勞運組織影響政策制訂的過程。本文探討日、韓派遣工人法律的修正，藉以印證本文的主張，同時也發現保守派政府成功利用統合主義機制追求新自由主義改革。
主题分类 社會科學 > 社會科學綜合
参考文献
  1. Asahi Shimbun. 2014. “Zangyō dai zero, dōnyū hōshin Kōrōshō, seichō senryaku ni meiji e kōdo senmon-shoku o sōtei” [Planned Introduction of Zero Overtime Payment, MHLW Specified in the New Growth Strategy for High-skilled Workers]. https://www.asahi.com/articles/DA3S11159111.html(May 28, 2017).
  2. Baccaro, Lucio(2014).Similar Structures, Different Outcomes: Corporatism's Resilience and Transformation (1974-2005).Review of Keynesian Economics,2(2),207-233.
  3. Bohman, James(ed.),Rehg, William(ed.)(1997).Deliberative Democracy: Essays on Reason and Politics.Cambridge, MA:MIT Press.
  4. Cho, Hyo-rae(2013)。Imyeongbag Jeongbu-ui Nodongjeongchaeg。Donghyang-gwa Jeonmang，87，224-263。
  5. Chosun Ilbo. 2015. “Nochongi Kkeutnae Nodong-yagja Gotonge Nuneul Gamgessdamyeon” [If the FKTU Would Turn Back to the Pain of Underprivileged Workers]. http://news.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2015/08/18/2015081803875.html?Dep0=twitter&d=2015081803875 (August 19, 2017).
  6. Chosun Ilbo. 2016. “Lee Inje "Hangugnochong, Hangalobge Muhyo un-un⋯Ihaehalsu Eobseo” [Inje Lee, I Cannot Understand the FKTU that Annulled the Agreement]. http://news.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2016/01/19/2016011903539.html (January 19, 2017).
  7. Croucher, Richard,Wood, Geoffrey(2015).Tripartism in Comparative and Historical Perspective.Business History,57(3),347-357.
  8. Eun, Soo-mi(2005).Yeongyeolmang Jeobgeun-eul Tonghaeseo-bon Sahoeundongjeog Nodongundong-ui Ganeungseong.Nodong Jeongchaeg Yeongu,5(1),43-73.
  9. Feldmann, Horst(2003).Labor Market Regulation and Labor Market Performance: Evidence Based on Surveys among Senior Business Executives.Kyklos: International Review for Social Sciences,56(1),509-540.
  10. Gray, Kevin(2008).The Global Uprising of Labour? The Korean Labour Movement and Neoliberal Social Corporatism.Globalizations,5(3),483-499.
  11. Hangyeore Shinmun. 2016. “Jeongbu Yangdaejichim Ganghaeng” [The Government Enforced Two Guidelines]. http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/society/society_general/726925.html (January 23, 2017).
  12. Harding, Robin, and Kana Inagaki. 2015. “Japan Wages: Manufacturing Consent.” http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/ee070568-b74f-11e4-981d-00144feab7de.html (February 18, 2017).
  13. Heeg, Susanne(2014).The Erosion of Corporatism? The Rescaling of Industrial Relations in Germany.European Urban and Regional Studies,21(2),146-160.
  14. Hicks, Alexander,Misra, Joya(1993).Political Resources and the Growth of Welfare in Affluent Capitalist Democracies, 1960–1982.American Journal of Sociology,99(3),668-710.
  15. Inaba, Toshikazu(2009)。Kakushin Jichitai-to Rōdōkumiaiundōkara Miru Tōchisei: 1970-nendai Nihon-o Chūshin-to Suru Shimin Shakai-to Kanri Shakai-o Meguru Rekishi Shakaigaku-teki Kōsatsu。Shakaigaku Ronkō，30(1)，1-20。
  16. JoongAng Daily. 2018. “Moon's Minimum Wage Gamble.” http://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/news/article/article.aspx?aid=3049160 (January 7, 2017).
  17. JoongAng Daily. 2015. “FKTU Manages to Sell Reforms to its Leaders.” http://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/news/article/article.aspx?aid=3009208 (January 7, 2017).
  18. JoongAng Ilbo. 2015. “Nosajeongwi Yangbo·Tahyeob, Hangughyeong Nodong Gaehyeog Joheun Model” [Concessions and Compromises of the Tripartite Commission is a Good Model for Labor Market Reform in Korea]. https://news.joins.com/article/18721571 (September 22, 2017).
  19. Jung, Byung-kee(2013).Hangug Simin-undong-ui Heuleum-gwa Siminseong.Jinbopyeonglon,55,14-31.
  20. Jung, Byung-kee(2016).Minjunochong-ui Nodongja Jeongchiselyeoghwa Hwaldong mit Pyeongga.Saneob Nodong Yeongu,22(1),75-101.
  21. Kashiwase, Kenichiro,Masahiro, Nozaki,Kiichi, Tokuoka(2012).IMF Working PaperIMF Working Paper,未出版
  22. Kong, Tat Yan(2004).Neo-liberalization and Incorporation in Advanced Newly Industrialized Countries: A View from South Korea.Political Studies,52(1),19-42.
  23. Kuruvilla, Sarosh,Das, Subesh,Kwon, Hyunji,Kwon, Soonwon(2002).Union Growth, Decline and Revitalization in Asia.British Journal of Industrial Relations,40(3),431-463.
  24. Kyotani, Eiji(2015)。Abe Seiken no Koyōrōdō Kaikaku: Kaiko Kisei no Kanwa ni Tsuite。Naganodaigaku Kiyō，37(1)，1-10。
  25. Lee, Byoung-hoon(2016).Nodonggaehyeog Gugmyeon-e Isseo Nojoundong-ui Daeeungjeonlyag-e Gwanhan Pyeong-ga.Hangugsahoejeongchaeg,23(1),1-23.
  26. Lee, Yeonho,Chung, Sukkyu,Jang, Haehyun(2008).Labor and Politics in East Asia: The Case of Failure of the Encompassing Labor Organization in Korea.Asia Perspective,32(3),111-138.
  27. Lijphart, Arend,Crepaz, Markus M. L.(1991).Corporatism and Consensus Democracy in Eighteen Countries: Conceptual and Empirical Linkages.British Journal of Political Science,21(2),235-246.
  28. McNamara, Dennis(1996).Corporatism and Cooperation among Japanese Labor.Comparative Politics,28(4),379-397.
  29. MHLW(2013)。,Tokyo:Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare。
  30. MHLW. 2013c. “Dai 201-kai Rōdō Seisaku Shingikai Gijiroku” [Minutes of the 201st Labor Policy Council]. http://www.mhlw.go.jp/stf/shingi/0000042264.html (March 11, 2017).
  31. MHLW. 2013b. “Dai 198-kai Rōdō Seisaku Shingikai Gijiroku” [Minutes of the 198th Labor Policy Council]. http://www.mhlw.go.jp/stf/shingi/0000042213.html (March 11, 2017).
  32. Mundlak, Gai(2007).Fading Corporatism: Israel's Labor Law and Industrial Relations in Transition.Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press.
  33. NFP. 2016. Daebyeonin mit Seongmyeong [Commentary and Statement of Spokesman], https://www.libertykoreaparty.kr/web/news/briefing/delegateBriefing/readDelegateBriefingView.do?bbsId=SPB_000000000959522.(February 15, 2017).
  34. Nihon Keizai Shimbun. 2015c. “Ishin, Hakenhōkaisei-an no Saiketsu de Yotō Kyōryoku Minshu to Kiretsu” [The JIP Moved to Cooperate with the Ruling Party over the Passage of the Worker Dispatch Law Bill and Departed from the DPJ]. https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXLASFS11H47_R10C15A6PP8000/ (June 11, 2017).
  35. Nihon Keizai Shimbun. 2012. “2011-nen wa Zenkoku-de 57-ken, Nihon-de sutoraiki-ga Sukunai Riyū” [57 Cases in 2011: Why There Are Few Strikes in Japan]. https://style.nikkei.com/article/DGXDZO48496140W2A111C1W14001/ (November 20, 2017).
  36. Nihon Keizai Shimbun. 2015a. “Hakenhōkaiseian, Shūin Tsūka-e Kōrōi de Yotō Tasū Kaketsu” [Labor Dispatch Law Draft, Approved by the Welfare-Labor Committee before being Sent to the Lower Diet]. https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXLASFS19H06_Z10C15A6MM0000/ (June 19, 2017).
  37. Nihon Keizai Shimbun. 2015b. “Rōdōshahakenhō Kaiseian-ni Kansuru Ankēto Kekka” [The Outcomes of the Survey on the Worker Dispatch Law Bill]. https://research.nttcoms.com/database/data/001998/ (June 1, 2017).
  38. Nishitani, Satoshi(2014)。Nihon-no Koyō-ga Abunai。Tokyo:Junposha。
  39. Oh, John Kie-chiang(1999).Korean Politics: The Quest for Democratization and Economic Development.Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press.
  40. Ost, David(2000).Illusory Corporatism in Eastern Europe: Neoliberal Tripartism and Postcommunist Class Identities.Politics & Society,28(4),503-530.
  41. Ost, David(2014).Does Neoliberalism Marginalize Labor or Reincorporate It-And Is There a Difference?.Comparative Politics,46(3),355-376.
  42. Padgett, Stephen(2000).Organizing Democracy in Eastern Germany: Interest Groups in Post-Communist Society.Cambridge, UK:Cambridge University Press.
  43. Pekkanen, Robert(2009).Japan's Dual Civil Society: Members without Advocates.Redwood City, CA:Stanford University Press.
  44. Rengo. 2015. “Jimukyoku-chō danwa” [Statements of General Secretary]. https://www.jtuc-rengo.or.jp/news/article_detail.php?id=777 (September 9, 2017).
  45. Rengo News. 2015. “Hakenhōan no Haikei” [Background of Dispatched Law Draft]. http://jdpa-k.info/2015/06/25/%E3%80%90%E9%80%A3%E5%90%88%E9%80%9A%E4%BF%A1%E3%80%91%EF%BC%96%E6%9C%8820%E5%8F%B7%E6%8E%B2%E8%BC%89%E3%80%80%E6%B4%BE%E9%81%A3%E6%B3%95%E6%A1%88%E3%81%AE%E8%83%8C%E6%99%AF-%E5%B0%82%E9%96%80/ (June 20, 2017).
  46. Roh, Joong-kee(2009).Imyeongbag Jeongbu Chulbeom 1-nyeon ui Nodongjeongchaeg: Pyeongga wa Jeonmang.Gyeongje-wa Sahoe,81,131-156.
  47. Rommetvedt, Hilmar,Thesen, Gunnar,Christiansen, Peter Munk,Nørgaard, Asbjørn Sonne(2012).Coping with Corporatism in Decline and the Revival of Parliament: Interest Group Lobbyism in Denmark and Norway, 1980-2005.Comparative Political Studies,46(4),457-485.
  48. Schmitter, Philippe C.(1974).Still the Century of Corporatism?.The Review of Politics,36(1),85-131.
  49. Schneider, Volker(ed.),Eberlein, Burkard(ed.)(2015).Complex Democracy: Varieties, Crises, and Transformations.Berlin, DE:Springer.
  50. Song, Ho Keun(2003).The Birth of a Welfare State in Korea: The Unfinished Symphony of Democratization and Globalization.Journal of East Asian Studies,3(3),405-432.
  51. The Japan Times. 2018. “Editorials: Work-Style Reform Legislation.”https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2018/02/17/editorials/work-style-reform-legislation/#.W1w7LNgzYWo (February 17, 2017).
  52. TV Asahi. 2015. “Rengō Kirikuzushi?Abe Sōri-ga Gokuhi Kaidan Zensen Kaichō to” [Rengo's Breakdown? A Secret Meeting between Prime Minister Abe and Zensen President]. http://news.tv-asahi.co.jp/news_politics/articles/000053525.html(June 27, 2017).
  53. Waldner, David(1999).State Building and Late Development.Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press.
  54. Watanabe, Hiroaki Richard(2012).Why and How did Japan Finally Change its Ways? The Politics of Japanese Labour-Market Deregulation since the 1990s.Japan Forum,24(1),23-50.
  55. Yasukazu, Fujita(2013)。Abe seiken no keizaiseisaku: Abenomikusu no tokucho to mondaiten。Chiikigaku Ronshū，9(3)，1-20。
  56. Yun, Ji-Whan(2010).Unequal Japan: Conservative Corporatism and Labour Market Disparities.British Journal of Industrial Relations,48(1),1-25.
  57. Yun, Ji-Whan(2017).The Paradox of Inequality in South Korea: Minsaeng Kyǒngje and Reinvigorated Developmentalism.Pacific Affairs,90(3),481-504.
print cancel