A Minimalist Approach to the Kam Construction in Taiwanese

從極小理論看台語的「敢」字句

10.6210/JNTNULL.1998.43(1).02

陳純音(Doris Chun-Yin Chen)；沉世忠(Henry Shih-Chung Shen)

「敢」字句 ； 台語 ； 極小理論 ； 管轄約束理論 ； the Kam Construction ； Taiwanese ； Minimalist ； GB Theory

師大學報：人文與社會科學類

43卷1期（1998 / 04 / 01）

15 - 26

英文

本文旨在應用杭士基教授（Chomsky，1995）一九九五年的極小理論（Minimalist Program）分析台語的「敢」字句。文中提議台語的「敢」可視為一提升動詞（raising verb），後接一呼應詞組（AGRsP）；此呼應詞在台語包含二個強烈屬性（strong features）：一是疑問記號（[+Q]），另一是焦點記號（[+focus]）。因此二屬性之故，台語的「敢」須在邏輯層（LF）移至呼應詞之位置，此移位過程證實台語「敢」字移位屬第三型主要語移位（X° movement）與其它語言不同，移位不可超過一大句子（CP）。此移位理論除能解釋台語的「敢」字句中之孤島效應（island effects）外，對台語的「敢」字句中的焦點訊息亦能提出適當之解說。

The main purpose of this paper is to examine within the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1995) the kam sentences in Taiwanese and argue that kam should be considered as a raising verb taking an AGRsP as its complement. It is proposed that AGR s contains a strong feature, [+Q] (cf. Shen, 1997), so kam needs to move to AGRs for feature checking before Spell Out under the Economy Principle. It is claimed that X° movement should be .classified into three types (cf. Rizzi, 1990), and Taiwanese is subject to the third type of X° movement. Furthermore, AGR s is assumed to have a [+focus] feature (cf. Ouhalla, 1992), which unlike [+Q], will be discharged to Spec of AGRsP via Spec-head Checking, and hence a covert movement of XP to Spec of AGRsP for feature checking after Spell Out is motivated by Procrastinate. Finally, additional evidence from islandhood is found to support the present analysis.

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