Acquiring Double Object Verbs in Mandarin Chinese

華語雙賓動詞的母語習得

10.6393/JCLT.201012.0109

林馥蘋(Angela Fu-Pin Lin)；陳純音(Chun-Yin Doris Chen)

雙賓動詞結構 ； 母語習得 ； 標誌性 ； 華語 ； Double Object Construction ； L1 Acquisition ； Markedness ； Chinese

華語文教學研究

7卷3期（2010 / 12 / 01）

109 - 146

英文

本研究旨在探討以華語爲母語的學齡前兒童雙賓動詞的母語習得。華語雙賓動詞可細分爲三類：必加「給」的動詞、不能加「給」動詞、以及可隨意加「給」動詞。主要的研究議題包含以下五種：各類動詞的困難度、句型的標記性、非雙賓句型之句子分析。本研究共設計兩個測驗：句子選擇以及引導造句。研究對象爲45位學齡前兒童及15位大學生。受試兒童再分爲三組：第組（三歲）、第二組（四歲）、和第三組（約五歲）。研究結果顯示：第一不能加「給」的動詞對學童困難度最高，而另外兩類動詞困難度差異不大。第二，必加「給」的動詞中、[V-gei-IO-DO]比[V-DO-gei-IO]更具有標記性。對於可隨意力「給」的動詞而言，[V-gei-IO-DO]最具有標記性，[V-IO-DO]居於第二，而[V-DO-gei-IO]最無標記性。第三，從學童的非雙賓動詞句型使用分析得知，他們傾向於先把這些動詞當作一般及物動詞使用，接著加入第二個賓語，最後他們說出越來越多的複雜句子。

The present study aims to investigate Chinese children's acquisition of double object verbs with gei. These verbs were classified into three types, gei-required, gei-forbidden, and gei-optional. The following issues were examined, i.e. the difficulty levels, unmarked/marked patterns, and development of untargeted patterns. Two tasks were employed, a grammaticality task and a sentence elicitation task. Forty-five children aged from three to five and fifteen adults participated in the experiment, who were further divided into four groups. i.e. Group 1 (three-year-olds), Group 2 (four-year-olds), Group 3 (five-year-olds), and Group 4 (native controls). The results are as follows: First, among the three types, gei-forbidden verbs posed the most difficulty for the children, while the other two were relatively easier. Second, with regard to gei-required verbs, [V-DO-gei-IO] was the unmarked pattern while [V-gei-IO-DO] was marked. Similarly, for gei-optional verbs, the most unmarked pattern was [V-DO-gei-IO], followed by [V-IO-DO], and [V-gei-IO-DO] the most marked. Third, a steady development was found in the children's untargeted sentences. The children began with mono-transitive use of these verbs, then added a second object, and finally generated more complex sentences.

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